O atual presidente de Taiwan (Republic of China – ROC) é Chen Shui-bian, do DPP (Democratic Progressive Party). Sua plataforma eleitoral (ele tomou posse pela primeira vez em 2001), pelo que consta, era (pelo menos de forma velada e mais ou menos ambígua) favorável à declaração formal da independência de Taiwan — algo que preocupava os Estados Unidos, que têm sido a força política e militar garantidora da paz nas relações entre China e Taiwan.
De 1949 até 1971 Taiwan era país-membro pleno das Nações Unidas, com o nome de Republic of China), tendo sido até mesmo membro do Conselho de Segurança. Durante esse período, a China Comunista (que, a partir da tomada do poder pelos comunistas, passou a se chamar People’s Republic of China — PRC) não era país-membro das Nações Unidas.
Em 1949, quando da vitória dos comunistas, liderados por Mao Tse-Tung, na guerra revolucionária chinesa, o governo da situação da China, chefiado pelo Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek, líder do partido chamado de Kuomitang (KMT), fugiu, com seus aliados, para Taiwan (então conhecida como Ilha de Formosa), criando ali o que seria um governo chinês em exílio, com a promessa de que oportunamente reconquistaria o restante do território chinês.
Os Estados Unidos e a maoria dos demais países não-comunistas reconheceram o governo de Chiang Kai-Shek como o legítimo governo da China — não reconhecendo o governo de Mao Tse-Tung como legítimo.
É curioso registrar que, ao reconhecer Taiwan e não a China Continental como o país que legitimamente representava os chineses, os Estados Unidos endossaram o princípio da "one China" que tanto os comunistas como os nacionalistas defendiam. A diferença entre comunistas e nacionalistas é que, apesar de ambos defenderem a tese de que deveria haver uma só China, cada um pretendia ser o legítimo representante do povo chinês.
Durante o governo do presidente Richard Nixon nos Estados Unidos (1969-74), quando Henry Kissinger era o seu Secretário de Estado (Chanceler, ou Ministro das Relações Exteriores), houve uma política de abertura dos Estados Unidos para com a China Continental. Kissinger foi à China várias vezes e o próprio Nixon fez uma visita histórica ao país asiático.
A partir desse momento, os Estados Unidos mudaram de posição e passaram a defender a tese das "Duas Chinas". Segundo essa tese, haveria dois países, a Republic of China (Taiwan) e People’s Repulbic of China (China Continental, comunista), que representavam o povo chinês, e, assim, passaram a defender a tese (não idêntica) de que a China Continental, comunista, também deveria fazer parte das Nações Unidas.
Os comunistas, porém, defendendo a tese da "Uma China", argumentavam que só passariam a fazer parte das Nações Unidas se a organização excluísse Taiwan do rol de seus membros, pois Taiwan não seria mais do que uma província rebelde sua. Em 1971 os Estados Unidos e as Nações Unidas capitularam e aceitaram a China como membro da organização, excluindo Taiwan. Aqui entre nós, uma vergonha.
Como contrapartida, os Estados Unidos exigiram da China comunista que esta respeitasse a integridade de Taiwan, não invadindo a ilha nem a atacando militarmente.
Na realidade, como país autônomo, os Estados Unidos ainda continuaram a manter relações diplomáticas com Taiwan até 1979, quando cederam até mesmo nisso ao, através do "Taiwan Relations Act", fechar a sua Embaixada em Taiwan e proibir Taiwan de manter uma Embaixada nos Estados Unidos, atribuindo as responsabilidades de sua Embaixada em Taipei a uma organização não-governamental, o American Institute em Taiwan, e aceitando que as responsabilidades da Embaixada de Taiwan em Washington passassem a ser exercidas por um Escritório Econômico e Cultural. Os Estados Unidos continuaram a dar apoio comercial, financeiro e militar a Taiwan.
Com essa decisão, os Estados Unidos voltaram, de certo modo, a defender a tese da "Uma China", só que, agora, reconhecendo que o governo comunista de Beijing era o representante legítimo do país. No entanto, fez isso com certa ambigüidade, pois continuou a exigir que, na prática, a China Continental respeitasse a integridade de Taiwan (mesmo que Taiwan não fosse mais um país-membro das Nações Unidas).
Assim, sem o apoio político dos Estados Unidos, Taiwan perdeu sua participação nas Nações Unidas e até mesmo a sua Embaixada em Washington — e a China passou a fazer parte do órgão e a manter uma Embaixada em Washington, sob os protestos de Taiwan, que não se conformou com a situação, mas teve de se resignar, por falta de força política (ou, melhor dizendo, por ter menor força política e poder de pressão do que a China).
Taiwan tem, porém, desde então, reivindicado seu lugar de volta nas Nações Unidas, questionando (na minha opinião corretamente) que seja apenas uma província da China. Taiwan abriu mão, porém, de defender a tese da "Uma China", acatando, na prática, a realidade de que a China Continental dificilmente será "reconquistada" por Taiwan. Na prática, agora, depois de os Estados Unidos haverem abandonado a tese, Taiwan defende a tese das "Duas Chinas"…
Como dito atrás, a política americana em relação a Taiwan tem sido extremamente ambígua. Os Estados Unidos não querem reconhecer que Taiwan seja apenas uma província da China — e, nisso, agradam a Taiwan e desagradam à China. Ao apoiar Taiwan até mesmo militarmente, vendendo-lhe armas, os Estados Unidos também agradam a Taiwan e desagradam à China.
Por outro lado, o preço desse apoio é exigir de Taiwan que não perturbe o estável equilíbrio político da região, reivindicando, por exemplo, o reconhecimento (pelas Nações Unidas e pelos próprios Estados Unidos) de sua independência e autonomia política — isto é, de sua soberania como país e nação.
Como disse atrás, o atual presidente de Taiwan, Chen Shui-bian, tinha, quando candidato, uma plataforma que parecia ser favorável ao reconhecimento da independência de Taiwan, algo que era extremamente preocupante para os Estados Unidos.
Assim, provavelmente sob pressão dos Estados Unidos, Chen Shui-bian, em seu primeiro discurso de posse, em 20 de Maio de 2000, fez uma promessa, que passou a ser conhecida como "Os Quatro Nãos" ("The Four Noes"). Essa promessa era de que Taiwan se comprometia com as seguintes quatro diretrizes negativas (donde os Quatro Nãos), DESDE QUE a China não demonstrasse intenção de usar força militar contra o país. São essas as diretrizes:
* Não declarar a independência de Taiwan
* Não alterar o nome do país de "The Republic of China" para "The Republic of Taiwan"
* Não incluir na Constituição de Taiwan a doutrina de que Taiwan é livre para manter relações diplomáticas com outros países
* Não promover referendos acerca da independência ou, alternativamente, acerca da reunificação com a China.
O presidente taiwanês fez uma promessa adicional, chamada, esquisitamente, de "O Um Sem" ("The One Without" — o nome inteiro das promessas sendo "The Four Noes and the One Without"). Segundo essa promessa, o presidente se comprometia a n
o abolir um conselho que havia em Taiwan chamado de Conselho Nacional de Unificação, nem as diretrizes aprovadas para esse conselho, chamdas de Diretrizes Nacionais de Unificação. O que se chama de Unificação aí seria a reunificação de Taiwan com a China.
Bom, tendo prometido isso, o presidente taiwanês, sem formalmente abolir o Conselho, nunca convocou uma reunião dele. Formalmente, estava cumprindo a promessa. Na prática, é uma questão discutível.
Depois de assumir seu segundo mandato, Chen Shui-bian, provavelmente se sentindo fortalecido pela re-eleição, eliminou, em 27 de Fevereiro de 2006, o orçamento (já magro) do referido Conselho — colocando a pá de cal final nele. Houve protestos da China e dos Estados Unidos, naturalmente.
Chen Shui-bian se defendeu de forma ambígua, como sempre.
De um lado, insistiu que o Conselho não havia sido formalmente extinto. Deixar um órgão sem verba orçamentária não é, stricto sensu, extingui-lo formalmente. Como o Conselho não vinha se reunindo, não precisava de verba. (Mais recentemente o presidente admitiu que o corte das verbas equivale, na prática, a uma extinção).
De outro lado, o presidente não hesitou em lembrar os Estados Unidos de que a China vinha procurando, de várias maneiras, amedrontar Taiwan — militarmente ou não. Eis algumas medidas tomadas pelo governo da China Continental que Taiwan considerou como amedrontadoras:
* Aprovou, em 2005, legislação que proíbe a secessão de suas províncias;
* Dispôs mísseis que apontam para Taiwan ao lado do Estreito de Taiwan;
* Realizou exercícios militares agressivamente ostensivos no Estreito de Taiwan.
Com a lembrança desses fatos (de resto, inegáveis) o presidente parecia estar afirmando que Taiwan não tinha mais a obrigação de cumprir "Os Quatro Nãos e o Um Sem"…
Os Estados Unidos, por seu lado, que já estavam preocupados com o fato de que Chen Shui-bian não repetiu a promessa em seu segundo discurso de posse, em 2004, começaram a demonstrar certa irritação com a "desorçamentação" do Conselho e insistiram que "apreciam muito o compromisso de Chen e o tomam muito seriamente" (sugerindo assim que, apesar de não ter sido repetida, a promessa do presidente continuava válida…).
Durma-se com um barulho desses.
Chen Shui-bian tem se mostrado um mestre da ambigüidade. Ele agora vem anunciando que fará um referendo nacional, não sobre a independência de Taiwan ou sua reunificação com a China, pois nesse caso estaria afrontando os Quatro Nãos, mas sobre a reinserção de Taiwan nas Nações Unidas.
A China tem protestado e os Estados Unidos (compreensível, embora não, em minha opinião, justificadamente), mais ainda. Vide o artigo sobre a questão em The China Post, jornal taiwanês, que transcrevo adiante. A última coisa que os Estados Unidos querem, no momento, é que a China invada Taiwan militarmente e os Estados Unidos sejam obrigados a intervir militarmente no conflito.
Embora, como disse, considere a posição dos Estados Unidos compreensível, dada uma história que não é possível mudar, dado o que me parece ter sido o erro político de 1971, acho-a indefensável sob qualquer outro aspecto que não o puramente pragmático.
Taiwan (como bem assinala Matt Rosenberg em artigo que também transcrevo abaixo) é um país de facto independente — e, é preciso acrescentar, democrático. Não depende da China em nenhum aspecto (sendo, na verdade, uma pequena potência econômica), tem sua Constituição, elege seu presidente e seus demais dirigentes, a mantém plenas relações diplomáticas com vários países, para crédito deles (apesar de serem todos eles pequenos e sem grande poder político ou de pressão nas Nações Unidas).
Como já disse, o Brasil, que tem tentando, sob o governo Lulla, demonstrar independência em relação aos Estados Unidos em sua política externa, vergonhosamente segue os Estados Unidos fielmente neste caso: não reconhece a independência e a autonomia de Taiwan, embora, como os Estados Unidos, acolham um Escritório Econômico Cultural do país, que faz as vezes de sua embaixada, em que fica na Av. Paulista, em São Paulo — onde eu obtenho meus vistos quando venho para cá.
Está na hora de o Brasil rever essa política, mesmo que os Estados Unidos não o façam. Independente, Taiwan já é. Na prática, o Brasil já reconhece essa independência (como o fazem os Estados Unidos). Basta só ter coragem de reconhecer essa independência formal e publicamente.
Há um site de apoio à reinserção de Taiwan nas Nações Unidas no qual pode apoiar essa legítima pretensão:
http://www.gopetition.com/online/6889.html
Em Taiwan, 30 de Agosto de 2007
—–
APÊNDICES
—–
http://www.infoplease.com/spot/taiwantime1.html
Site: Infoplease
Taiwan Timeline
1988
Jan. 13
President Chaing Ching-kuo, the eldest son of Chiang kai-shek and former defense minister and premier, dies and is succeeded by Lee Teng-hui, the country’s first native-born president.
1991
Dec.
The ruling Kouomintang regime wins 71% of the vote in national elections and defeats the Democratic Progressive Party, which advocated Taiwan’s independence, in the battle for seats in Taiwan’s National Assembly.
1995
June 7–11
Taiwan president Lee Ten-hui visits the United States as an alumnus of Cornell University.
1996
March
China launches what it calls "military exercises" in the ocean near Taiwan on the eve of the country’s first free presidential elections. Taiwan and the U.S. consider the exercises an act of intimidation by China and the U.S. responds by sending a fleet of naval reinforcements to the area in what would be the biggest U.S. envoy in Asia since the Vietnam War. Incumbent President Lee wins the election, garnering 54% of the vote.
1997
July 1
Hong Kong, a former British colony, is reverted to Chinese rule.
1998
June–July
U.S. President Bill Clinton visits mainland China. At a seminar to discuss China’s future Clinton embraces the "three no’s" policy: no "two Chinas", no independence for Taiwan, and no membership for Taiwan in international organizations that require statehood for membership.
1999
July
Taiwan President Lee says in a German radio interview that China and Taiwan should deal with each other on a "state-to-state" basis, implying that Taiwan is moving towards a formal declaration of independence. Chinese officials responds to Lee’s statement a day later, saying that it was "a monumental disaster."
Dec. 20
Macau, a former Portuguese territory on the Chinese coast is reverted to Chinese rule.
2000
Feb. 2
China protests the passage of the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act in the U.S. House of Representatives. The bill (approved 341 to 70) seeks more direct military communications between American and Taiwanese forces, expanded American training of Taiwan’s officers and an annual report on Taiwan’s security. Clinton Administration officials voice their disapproval of the bill as well, calling it dangerous to the security of the Taiwan Strait.
Feb. 21
China issues a White Paper warning more explicitly than before that Taiwan’s further heel dragging on reunification—let alone any declaration of independence–could force China to take "drastic measures."
Mar. 18
Taiwan holds its second free presidential elections in history. Voters elect pro-independence candidate Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party, ending more than 50 years of Nationalist rule of Taiwan. China states in response that it will be keeping a close eye on Chen and reiterates that "Taiwan independence, in whatever form will never be allowed.”
June 20
During his first news conference since being innaugurated on May 20, Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian invites Chinese President Jiang Zemin to join hands at a summit for peace. Chen says he was inspired by the historic agreement signed by North and South Korea on June 15 to work towards reunification. Chinese officals respond coldly to the invitation, re-iterating the country’s long-standing policy that Taiwan accept the "one China" principle before any talks can begin.
2001
April 24
President George W. Bush approves the largest package of arms sales to Taiwan in nearly a decade. China responds with a formal protest. White House officials stress that the sale is in response to recent Chinese military buildup in the area, and that it has nothing to do with a recent standoff over the detained crew of a U.S. Navy surveillance plane that collided with a Chinese fighter jet (Apr. 1). China’s ambassador warns that U.S.-China relations are "at a crossroads."
Oct. 20—21
China chooses not to invite Taiwan to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting in Shanghai. A press conference before the event becomes a bickering match when a Chinese official prevents Taiwan’s representative from speaking.
Nov. 7
Taiwan eases restrictions for business that wish to invest in companies on mainland China. Although many businesses had already found loopholes in these 50-year-old policies, economists hope that the rollback will boost Taiwan’s slumping economy and speed up the integration of the economies of Taiwan and China, which are expected to join the World Trade Organization later this month.
Nov. 11
Representatives of the World Trade Organization make Taiwan an official member at a meeting in Doha, Qatar, one day after China is unanimously admitted.
Dec. 1
Parliamentary elections are held in Taiwan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) wins enough seats to replace the Kuomintang (KMT) as the largest party in Taiwan’s legislature. KMT nationalists had controlled the legislature since it fled from mainland China to the island in 1949.
2003
Nov. 27
Taiwan’s parliament approves a bill allowing for national referendums.
Dec. 6
President Shui-bian announces plans for a March 20 referendum that would call on China to remove hundreds of missiles pointed at Taiwan and renounce intentions to use force against the island.
Dec. 8
China, alarmed that the referendum was a veiled call for Taiwan’s independence, condemns it as dangerously provocative. It reaffirms its "one China" policy, viewing Taiwan as a breakaway province that can never become independent.
Dec. 9
President Bush, anxious to maintain good relations with China, issues a sharp rebuke of Taiwan, urging it to maintain the "status quo" and abandon the referendum. Historically, the U.S. has pledged to defend Taiwan should it be attacked by China, but Washington is now angered by what it saw as Shui-ban’s needlessly provocative stance. One of Bush’s aids comments, the President "isn’t shopping around for another international crisis."
Dec. 10
Shui-bian stands firm, asserting that "referendum is a normal practice in democratic countries and is the basic right of the people which they cannot be deprived of." He insists that "Taiwan people have the right to say loudly that they oppose missiles and are for democracy."
Dec. 16
Taiwan’s national legislature approved two resolutions of varying severity, one calling on China not to deploy any more missiles aimed at Taiwan and the gradual removal of its existing missiles, the other demanding the immediate removal of the missiles.
2004
Jan. 16
Taiwan yields somewhat to U.S. pressure and tones down the scehduled referendum. Instead of demanding removal of the Chinese missiles aimed at Taiwan, voters will be asked whether Taiwan should arm itself with additional defensive weapons against China if China does not withdraw its missiles. The second referendum will ask whether Taiwan should have open negotiations with China. China, which considers any type of referendum concerning Taiwan-China relations threatening, is not reassured by the changes.
March 19
President Chen Sui-bian and Vice President Annette Lu survive an assassination attempt the day before presidential elections and voting on two controversial referenda. The elections pit incumbent Chen, a strong advocate of a more independent relationship with mainland China, against Lien Chan, whose stance is far more conciliatory.
March 29
Chen very narrowly won the election over Lien Chan, who demanded a recount. The referendum failed due to low response—although 80% of eligible voters turned out for the presidential election, only 45% voted in the referendum and 50% were needed.
May 18
Election officials announce the recount has been completed, although almost 40,000 ballots remain in dispute. About 23,000 of the ballots were cast for Chen, while 16,000 went to Lien Chan. Chen will be inaugurated on May 20 as planned, but the High Court must still rule on the disputed votes.
2005
Feb. 1
Frank Hsieh is sworn in as prime minister.
March
Tension between China and Taiwan intensifies, when China passes an anti-secession law that says the country can use force if Taiwan moves toward achieving independence. "The state shall employ non-peaceful means and other necessary measures to protect China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity," the legislation says. Taiwan president Chen Shui-bian calls the bill a "law of aggression."
April
Lien Chan, who heads the opposition Nationalist Party, traveled to China and met with President Hu Jintao. It was the first meeting between Nationalist and Communist Party leaders since 1949, when the defeated Nationalists retreated to Taiwan.
2006
Feb.
President Chen tested China in February 2006, when he announced that he was rescinding the National Unification Council, a group that was established in 1990 to deal with reunification issues with China. He stopped short of abolishing the council, saying, "Taiwan has no intention of changing the status quo."
June
Taiwan’s legislature initiated proceedings to oust President Chen because of allegations of corruption involving his family and senior administration officials, but the motion failed later that month.
2007
May
Prime Minister Su Tseng-chang resigns. President Chen Shui-bian appoints Chang Chun-hsiung as his successor.
—–
http://www.chinapost.com.tw/news/2007/08/29/120284/Push-for.htm
The China Post
29 August 2007
Push for United Nations entry’a mistake’: Negroponte
Wednesday, August 29, 2007 – The China Post staff and agencies
U.S. Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte expressed the American opposition to President Chen Shui-bian’s push for holding a referendum on Taiwan’s U.N. membership bid under the name of Taiwan, calling the move "a mistake" that could affect regional stability and escalate tensions.
"We oppose the notion of that kind of a referendum because we see that as a step towards…a declaration of independence of Taiwan, towards an alteration of the status quo,"
Negroponte said Monday in an interview with the Hong Kong-based Phoenix TV.
The remarks were the harshest from a senior U.S. official since Chen expressed the wish early this year to hold an islandwide referendum on the government bid to rejoin the United Nations.
Over the weekend, Chen defiantly rejected again any U.S. intervention in the referendum move during a trip to Central America.
Washington has repeatedly warned Taiwan against making unilateral moves to change the fragile status quo in the Taiwan Strait, fearing a clash or a full-fledged war with China could soon involve the U.S.
"So when we talk about the situation in regard to Taiwan, we talk about Taiwan in the context of a great friendship. But when it comes to this issue of a referendum as to whether or not Taiwan join the United Nations in the name of Taiwan, we do have great concerns," Negroponte said.
"We consider (the Taiwan referendum) to be a mistake," Negroponte said. "This is a time for the authorities in Taiwan to behave in a responsible manner…not disturbing the situation across the Taiwan Strait."
In the interview with Phoenix Star TV, Negroponte was also asked whether the U.S. will downgrade its economic or military cooperation with Taiwan if Taiwan continues to push for the referendum.
"I wouldn’t want to get into that kind of a hypothetical discussion at this particular time. But what I would like to emphasize is that we believe it’s important to avoid any kind of provocative steps on the part of Taiwan," Negroponte replied.
Chen’s ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) plans to hold a mass rally in southern Kaohsiung City on Sept. 15 to motivate the public to support the U.N. referendum as well as the party’s candidates in the upcoming legislative and presidential races.
To counter the DPP tactic to utilize the U.N. referendum issue in the forthcoming crucial elections, the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) is seeking a counterpart referendum to let people express their wishes without insisting on rejoining the U.N. under the name of Taiwan.
The KMT is also organizing a separate rally, also on Sept. 15, in Taichung City of central Taiwan to help defuse the push for "Taiwan independence" in DPP rallies.
Chen did not give an immediate response to Negroponte’s comments and advice.
But Minister of Foreign Affairs James Huang voiced regret about what he called the U.S.’s misinterpreting Chen’s referendum plan to join the U.N. in the name of Taiwan as a step promoting Taiwan independence or changing the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.
Huang made the remarks in Managua City, capital of Nicaragua, where he is accompanying President Chen on a state visit to the Central American country.
The foreign minister said he could not figure out why Negroponte made such remarks.
Holding a referendum is a purely domestic affair, a core value of democracy and the most democratic and peaceful way for the public to express its opinion, he said.
"Both Taiwan’s ruling and opposition camps are in favor of holding a referendum on Taiwan’s U.N. cause," he said.
Stressing that holding such a referendum is only meant to allow the public to directly express its desire for the country to participate in the U.N., Huang said the move will neither break the "four noes" pledges made by Chen in his 2000 and 2004 inauguration speeches nor contribute to a change in the cross-strait status quo.
"We regr
et the U.S. misinterpretation of our referendum plan," Huang added.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) spokesman Wang Chien-yeh said in Taipei that the U.N. referendum has nothing to do with changing the country’s official title or changing the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.
"Taiwan’s U.N. bid referendum plan is not a provocative move and does not target any particular side," Wang said, arguing that "it is only a method to allow the people to directly vote on the country’s participation in the U.N."
Stating that the government understands why the U.S. is concerned about Taiwan’s plan to hold a referendum on its U.N. bid, Wang expressed the hope that the U.S. could better understand the situation in Taiwan.
He said that MOFA will continue seeking to exchange views and step up communication with the United States on the referendum issue.
DPP lawmakers brushed aside U.S. opposition to the referendum, saying the U.S. is not qualified to be a world leader if it takes the same stand with China to oppose the referendum to join the U.N. in the name of Taiwan.
It is extremely important to demonstrate the will of the people, they said.
—–
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Four_Noes_and_One_Without
The Wikipedia (English)
Four Noes and One Without
The Four Noes and One Without, also known as the Four Noes is a pledge by President of the Republic of China Chen Shui-bian made in his inauguration speech on 20 May 2000 concerning the political status of Taiwan. It has been an important part of cross-straits relations.
Provided that the People’s Republic of China has no intention to use military force against Taiwan, Chen’s administration promises not to do the following things (the "Four Noes"):
* declare Taiwanese independence,
* change the national title from "the Republic of China" to "the Republic of Taiwan",
* include the doctrine of special state-to-state relations in the Constitution of the Republic of China, or
* promote a referendum on unification or independence.
In addition, the "One Without" was that Chen pledged not to abolish the National Unification Council or the National Unification Guidelines though during his administration the National Unification Council has not met once. On February 27, 2006, the Council ceased to function in tandem with the elimination of its already meager budget. Chen said that his decision did not change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, but instead returned sovereignty to the people of Taiwan.
The Four Noes and One Without have become an important part of ROC-U.S. relations. Several times, Chen has had to reassure the United States that the Four Noes and One Without policy has not been abolished and that he is not attempting to circumvent the pledge via some of the loopholes that have been suggested. The phrase that the United States used with regard is that the United States "appreciates Chen’s pledge and takes it very seriously."
Policy revision
On 27 February 2006, Chen dismantled the National Unification Council and Guidelines saying they "will cease functioning and the budget no longer be appropriated", effectively breaking the promises made in 2000 if ‘cease functioning’ is considered to be synonymous with ‘abolishing’.
However, as the People’s Republic of China has threatened to use military force against Taiwan by passing the Anti-Secession Law in March 2005 and continuing the buildup of missiles opposite the Taiwan Strait, the no intent of aggression provision may have long been violated. It is noteworthy that the 2004 referendum called by President Chen Shui-bian held in tandem with the presidential election used the ‘emergent threat’ stipulation in Taiwan’s Referendum Law, thereby implying the provision had already been breached by China’s imminent threat and missile buildup. Nevertheless, this move drew sharp rebuke from the United States, with the State Department insisting that the Taiwanese government clarify that the National Unification Council has not been abolished. However, in a TV interview days later, Chen stated that ‘ceasing to function’ is the same as having been ‘abolished’.
In the week prior, he told U.S. Congressman Rob Simmons (R-CT) that the Council and Guidelines were "absurd products of an absurd era." Chen has revealed he planned to draft a new constitution, which many conjectured would be pro-separatist, before he steps down in 2008.
The Four Noes and One Without policy was officially replaced by Four Wants and One Without policy in 2007, which is essentially the opposite of the original Four Noes and One Without policy.
Criticism
Koo Kwang-ming and other pro-independence leaders openly criticized that Chen, as president, is "not constitutionally authorized" and has "no legal power" to confine Taiwanese political future and freedom with the pledge. In addition, some of Chen’s supporters such as Vice-President Annette Lu have suggested that the pledge may have loopholes such as the definition of military force. Furthermore, while the pledge stated that Chen would not support a referendum, some have suggested that it does not exclude the possibility of a referendum occurring by citizen initiative. The possibility of loopholes has occasionally led to considerable unease in Beijing and in Washington, D.C.
Under strong objection from pro-independence leaders and his supporters, who threatened to walk out the inauguration ceremony immediately once the pledge was recited, Chen did not explicitly repeat this pledge in his 2004 inauguration speech after his re-election though he alluded to the pledge by stating that the assurances he had given in the 2000 inaugural address remained in effect, and he has stated many times that the pledge remains in effect.
—–
http://geography.about.com/cs/countries/a/numbercountries.htm
The Number of Countries in the World
From Matt Rosenberg,
Your Guide to Geography.
FREE Newsletter. Sign Up Now!
May 9 2007
By Most Accounts, 194 is the Correct Answer
A very frequent geographical question is "How many countries are in the world?" Different numbers pop up when one inquires or reads about the number of countries in the world. Each source you use often yields a different answer. Ultimately, the best answer is that there are 194 countries in the world.
United Nations.
There are 192 members of the United Nations. Unfortunately, the number 192 is too often used to represent the number of countries in the world. Although this number represents almost all of the countries in the world, there is still one globally recognzed independent country, the Vatican City, that is independent and has chosen not to become a member of the U.N. so 192 is not the number of countries in the world.
U.S. Department of State
The United States’ State Department recognizes 193 independent countries around the world. Their list of 193 countries reflects the political agenda of the United States of America and its allies. Missing from the State Department’s list is one entity that may or may not be considered a country, depending on who you talk to.
The One Outsider
Taiwan meets the requirements of independent country or state status. However, due to political reasons, it fails to be recognized by the international community as independent. Nonetheless, it should be considered as independent.
Taiwan was actually a member of the United Nations (and even the Security Council) until 1971, when mainland China replaced Taiwan in the organization. Taiwan continues to press for full recognition by other countries, to become "part of the club" and fully recognized worldwide but China claims that Taiwan is simply a province of China.
Thus…
Your Guide considers there to be 194 countries in the world, which is probably the best current answer to the question, "How many countries are in the world?"
However…
Recognize that there are dozens of territories and colonies that are sometimes erroneously called "countries" but don’t count at all – they’re governed by other countries. Places commonly confused as being countries include Puerto Rico, Bermuda, Greenland, Palestine, Western Sahara, and even the components of the United Kingdom (such as Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and England – they’re not fully independent countries, states, or nation-states).
Liberal Space 